The Arabic philosophical fable _Hayy Ibn Yaqzan _is a classic of medieval Islamic philosophy. Ibn Tufayl, the Andalusian philosopher, tells of a child raised by a doe on an equatorial island who grows up to discover the truth about the world and his own place in it, unaided—but also unimpeded—by society, language, or tradition. Hayy’s discoveries about God, nature, and man challenge the values of the culture in which the tale was written as well as those of every contemporary society. (...) Goodman’s commentary places _Hayy Ibn Yaqzan _in its historical and philosophical context. The volume features a new preface and index, and an updated bibliography. “One of the most remarkable books of the Middle Ages.”—_Times Literary Supplement_ “An enchanting and puzzling story.... The book transcends all historical and cultural environments to settle upon the questions of human life that perpetually intrigue men.”—_Middle East__ Journal_ “Goodman has done a service to the modern English reader by providing a readable translation of a philosophically significant allegory.”—_Philosophy East and West_ “Add[s] bright new pieces to an Islamic mosaic whose general shape is already known.”—_American Historical Review_. (shrink)

First Published in 1999. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

On dietry laws for Muslims, permitted and the prohibited things in Islam.

Prophets, Pre-Islamic; conduct of life; early works to 1800.

The Umayyads (41-132/661-750) were the first Muslim dynastic state established in Damascus after the Rasheedun Caliphs. The Umayyads' transformation of the caliphate into a sultanate, their tribalist and discriminatory approaches, as well as the exaggerated palace life and entertainment of some caliphs have been the subject of criticism. Among the Umayyad caliphs, Yazīd II (101-105/720-724) was remembered for his drinking parties and love affairs with his concubines, and his fondness for entertainment to the degree of debauchery was described. The night (...) life of the caliph in question with his concubines named Sallāma and Habābah and his inclusion of them in the administration did not escape attention.It is known that the Umayyads had some problems in their relations with the new non-Arab Muslims (mawālī). Yazīd II’s elder brother, al-Maslama İbn ʽAbd al-Malik, was prevented on the grounds that his mother was a mawāli, although he was known to be the most worthy candidate for the caliphate among his brothers. Yazīd II, on the other hand, was appointed as the heir apparent with the advantage of being a member of the dynasty on his mother's side and then he was brought to the caliphate.After ‘Umar ibn ʽAbd al-ʽAziz, who was recognised as the ‘Fifth Rasheedun Caliph’ thanks to his piety and effective administrative skills, Yazīd II, who had a completely opposite character and administrative understanding, was brought to the caliphate. Although he imitated ‘Umar ibn ʽAbd al-ʽAziz in the first days of his caliphate, this situation did not last long. Soon after, he came under the influence of his favourites named Sallāma and Habāba and started to govern the state under the influence of these two names. It has also been stated that he jeopardised the future of the state and the dynasty with his arbitrary practices and debauched life. The sources give limited information about the lives of Sallāma and Habābah. Sallāma was born in Mecca as the child of a family whose parents were slaves (muwellada). It is narrated that she memorised almost all poetry and song lyrics from the Jahiliyyah period until the time she lived, and that she was extremely knowledgeable in the al-Qur’ân al-Karîm, hadiths and religious sciences. But with her mesmerising voice and physical beauty, she became famous as a singing courtesan. She gained her real fame when she met Yazid ibn ʽAbd al-Malik and became a part of the palace life. After Yazid II became the caliph, she rose in the palace and started to have a say in the state administration. It has been stated that Habābah was not inferior to Sallāma with her physical beauty, superior performance in singing, knowledge and manners, and even more advanced. As a matter of fact, Yazīd II was enamoured of her at first sight and wanted her very much, but his brother Caliph Sulaymān prevented him. Henceforth Yazīd II seated these two combines on his right and left in his palace and did not leave them until his death.Sallāma was an extremely intelligent, knowledgeable and beautiful woman who could be called Yazīd II’s first love. She almost ruled the state by using the affection and trust that the caliph cherished for her. So much so that the highest bureaucrats of the state could only be appointed with her approval. With her beauty, voice, and sharp intelligence, Habābah also enchanted the caliph, and her intervention in the state administration cost the caliph his life. Yazīd II was very saddened by the sudden death of Habābah during an entertainment party. His body was kept waiting for days and could only be buried after the warning of the caliph’s elder brother al-Maslama. The caliph, who knew the cause of her death from himself, never left her grave day or night. Weeks after the burial, he had her grave opened, embraced and kissed her decomposed corpse, lamented, and it was recorded that he died of grief. This situation, which cost the caliph his life, was expressed as ‘lovesickness’.This information and details are mentioned in Islamic historical sources. In this study, by using classical (Arabic) sources, two of the women who we think were influential on politics are introduced. Thus, we have contributed to the discussions on the presence and role of women in state administration in an early period of Islamic history. In this study, the portraits of two women, Habāba and Sallāma, who we think were involved in politics during the Umayyad period, albeit limited to the reign of Yazīd II, are given. While their short biographies are discussed, the status of women in the Umayyads, palace life and entertainments are touched upon. Again, the concepts of concubine and qayna (singing concubine) and umm al-walad, which express their art and social status in the person of these two concubines are explained. (shrink)

Recent scholarship has emphasized the contributions of the great Maliki jurist Shihāb al-Dīn al-Qarāfī to Islamic legal thought. However, al-Qarāfī’s compilation of legal maxims and distinctions, al-Furūq, has not yet been studied, nor has the collection of his teacher, the prominent Shafiʿi jurist Ibn ʿAbd al-Salām, known as al-Qawāʿid al-kubrā. Furthermore, the original thought of Ibn ʿAbd al-Salām and his formative influence on al-Qarāfī have been understated. This article compares their two works to demonstrate that al-Qarāfī based his collection in (...) large part on Ibn ʿAbd al-Salām’s al-Qawāʿid and it examines the techniques that al-Qarāfī used, which included reordering, refining, and supplementing borrowed maxims, and anonymizing references to his teacher. Most salient, however, is al-Qarāfī’s “Malikization” of maxims, which entailed replacing Shafiʿi doctrines and authorities with their Maliki counterparts and deploying maxims to defend Maliki doctrines. The article concludes by explaining al-Qarāfī’s authorial choices in light of his Maliki affiliation and the politics between the legal schools in Mamluk Cairo. (shrink)

صدر عن المركز العربي للأبحاث ودراسة السياسات كتاب "الشرعية الديمقراطية: من التعاقد إلى التواصل، هبرماس في مواجهة رولز"، ويسلط فيه مؤلفه، عبد العزيز ركح، الضوء على أنموذجين من الإتيقا العمومية، هما النظرية الليبرالية التعاقدية كما تجسدت حصرًا في أعمال جون رولز، والنظرية التداولية القائمة على أسس فلسفة التواصل وإتيقا الحوار كما يعرضها يورغن هبرماس، والمقترحان مشروعَا شرعنة سياسية للمسار الديمقراطي، مركزًا على إبراز أوجه اختلافهما وتشابههما، مفترضًا أن الخلاف الظاهر بينهما يُخفي في العمق تداخلًا وتشابهًا كبيرين؛ إذ يمكن القول إنهما (...) أنموذج واحد صيغ بطريقتين مختلفتين، نتيجة تباين البيئتين اللتين وُضِعا فيهما، واختلاف مرجعياتهما التاريخية والثقافية. (shrink)

It would not be an overstatement to say that Mulla Sadra’s metaphysical system—commonly known as transcendent philosophy or transcendent wisdom (hikmat muta‘aliyyah)—is founded on the fundamentality of existence and the subjectivity of quiddity or whatness. I will begin this essay by drawing a rather simple picture of this principle under the title “A Common Error.” Then I will proceed by explaining its background and the reasoning supporting it, while offering a more detailed elucidation of the problem. The essay will end (...) by examining two recent interpretations that have gone to extremes in describing quiddity’s subjective nature. (shrink)

Las aleyas coránicas sobre el Paraíso (y en especial Corán, 55: 46-78), así como el Kitdb waJal-firdaws de 'Abd al-Malík b. IIabIb, nos permiten precisar mejor la interpretación "paradisíaca" de Madinat al-Zabrá' y dotarla de sentidos concretos, mostrando sus ventajas sobre otras posibles (aunque no deseebables). Se explica así no sólo la variedad, sino también la asimetría, de las decoraciones parietales del Salón de 'Abd al-Ralimán III, se da sentido a cómo pudieron surgir una serie de relatos en tomo a (...) Madinat al-Zabrá', se puede plantear una nueva interpretación de la decoración en "verde y manganeso" de la cerámica producida en la ciudad y se sugiere otro aspecto más del nombre por el que ésta fue conocida. También se puede establecer una relación con una de las doctrinas atribuidas a Mundir b. Said al-Balítití, cadi de 'Abd al-Ralimán Itt desde 339/950 basta la muerte del califa. El silencio de las fuentes árabes sobre ese simbolismo paradisíaco puede ser puesto en relación con la anécdota de cómo ese mismo MuÑir b. Sa'id censuró la actividad constructora de 'Abd al-Rahmán III. Por último, MadInat al-Zabrá debe ser estudiada siempre dentro del contexto del enfrentamiento político-religioso con los Fatímíes y, más en concreto, con la situación surgida a partir de la derrota del "Hombre del Asno", presentado como figura escatológica (al-Dayyal) por los Fatimies. (shrink)

ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Ḥabīb (d. Cordova, 238/853?), Kitāb al-Waraʿ, is a series of about 350 quotations, topically organized. Most section headings name things to avoid, waraʿ referring to scrupulosity, meaning to keep away from the forbidden by avoiding even the doubtful. Quotations go back to persons of all generations, from earlier prophets to Ibn Ḥabīb himself. Particularly notable is a section on trade, in which the Prophet calls traders and cultivators the worst of his community. It presumably reflects local, Andalusian (...) concern with assimilation to the subject population. Ibn Ḥabīb, al-Waraʿ, cites the Prophet much more often than other collections on waraʿ. Altogether, scarcely one item in six in Ibn Ḥabīb’s collection lacks a parallel in other extant collections of pious sayings. Relatively numerous quotations of Asad b. Mūsā (d. 212/827) not found in his Kitāb al-Zuhd tend to confirm that the extant text is only a fragment of the original. However, the chief significance of Ibn Ḥabīb, al-Waraʿ, may be to confirm that other works at our disposal reliably represent the larger literature of piety in the ninth century CE. (shrink)

al-juzʼ 1. Min alif ilá sīn. -- al-juzʼ 2. Min shīn ilá yāʼ.